Breaking the Habit of Suffering

I’ve been wondering whether the way we experience reality can become a habit.

Grief, loss and trauma are part of being human. None of us escapes them. What interests me is something quieter: the way reality itself can begin to feel filtered through expectation, where disappointment arrives before possibility, where what’s broken stands out more sharply than what’s beautiful, and where life slowly starts to feel like something happening against us rather than for us.

I know that way of seeing because I lived it.

Growing up in Bulgaria, I was surrounded by intelligent people who questioned everything. Criticism wasn’t considered negativity; it was often regarded as a sign of depth. The people who could expose contradictions, dismantle ideas or explain why something wouldn’t work were admired. Looking back, I don’t think there was anything unusual about that. Every culture develops its own emotional habits. Some instinctively question; others instinctively build. Each illuminates a different part of reality.

The problem isn’t criticism. I still believe scepticism is one of our most valuable intellectual tools. It keeps power in check, exposes bad ideas and protects us from easy answers.

The question I’ve become interested in is what happens when criticism quietly stops being a tool and becomes the lens itself.

Psychology offers an intriguing explanation. We are all born with what psychologists call the negativity bias. Our brains notice danger more quickly than opportunity, criticism more readily than praise, and setbacks more intensely than successes. From an evolutionary perspective, that makes perfect sense. A mind that paid attention to threats was more likely to survive than one distracted by beauty alone.

The brain, however, doesn’t simply record experience. It adapts to it.

Donald Hebb’s famous principle—“neurons that fire together wire together”—captures one of the foundations of modern neuroscience. The thoughts we rehearse most often gradually become our default thoughts. The neural pathways strengthen, familiar interpretations become increasingly automatic, and over time they begin to feel less like habits and more like reality itself.

I wasn’t surprised when I first came across these ideas. If anything, psychology and neuroscience gave me a vocabulary for something I had already experienced.

Looking back, I think I had slowly trained myself to look at life through a particular prism. My attention naturally drifted towards disappointment before possibility, towards flaws before potential, towards what could go wrong before what might go right. I didn’t choose that consciously. Like most habits, it developed so gradually that it simply came to feel normal.

Then my environment changed.

Living in the United States didn’t convince me that America had discovered the secret to happiness. It hadn’t. I still think American confidence can sometimes become naïve, even arrogant, and the belief that anything is possible can overlook the complexities of real life.

What it did offer me, however, was a different emotional atmosphere.

I found myself surrounded by people who often began from possibility rather than limitation. Instead of instinctively explaining why something couldn’t be done, they were just as likely to ask how it might be done. That difference stayed with me, not because one culture was right and the other wrong, but because it reminded me how deeply we absorb the emotional habits of the people around us.

Albert Bandura’s work on social learning helps explain why. Human beings don’t simply exchange ideas; we model one another’s behaviours, expectations and beliefs. We inherit emotional habits far more easily than we realise.

My own shift wasn’t dramatic, although I did make a conscious decision to change. There was no single defining moment. It unfolded quietly over years. Different conversations led to different questions, and different questions gradually shaped a different way of paying attention.

The more I read, the more I realised that neuroscience was describing exactly what I had lived through. Neuroplasticity tells us that the brain remains adaptable throughout our lives. The pathways we’ve strengthened are not fixed forever. Attention itself can be trained.

That idea changed me because it didn’t promise happiness. It offered something more valuable: the freedom to question my own assumptions, to notice possibilities alongside problems, and to recognise that the stories I’d inherited about the world weren’t necessarily the only stories available.

Perhaps that’s why I’ve come to think that suffering can become a habit.

Not because suffering is pleasurable, but because familiarity exerts an extraordinary pull. A way of seeing the world, repeated often enough, begins to feel like the only truthful way of seeing it. We mistake habit for reality.

These days, I still value criticism. I still question ideas. I still think scepticism matters.

What has changed is the prism through which I look.

The world didn’t suddenly become kinder or easier. The light itself didn’t change. What changed was the angle from which I learned to see it. As the prism slowly turned, it revealed colours that had always been there: possibility alongside disappointment, generosity alongside selfishness, hope alongside suffering.

That’s the most hopeful lesson psychology and neuroscience have to offer.

Our brains never stop changing. The habits that shaped us don’t have to define us. The stories we’ve inherited aren’t necessarily the stories we have to keep telling ourselves.

Perhaps that’s what freedom really is.

Not escaping reality, but refusing to mistake one colour of reality for the whole spectrum.

Learning, slowly and deliberately, to see more of it.


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The Value of Human Imperfection in the Age of AI

I am increasingly baffled by the conversation around artificial intelligence.

Not because AI exists. Not because it is useful. It clearly is.

What confuses me is why we insist on comparing it to human beings.

Every week we are presented with another headline asking whether AI can write better than a novelist, paint better than an artist, compose better than a musician or think better than a human being. We are told that the machines are catching up. That they are becoming more creative. More intelligent. More capable.

Perhaps.

But I cannot help feeling that we are comparing two fundamentally different things.

The problem begins when we start judging one by the standards of the other.

Human creativity has never been about efficiency.

Some of the greatest discoveries in human history happened because people made mistakes.

Penicillin was discovered because mould contaminated a petri dish.

The microwave oven emerged because a chocolate bar melted unexpectedly in an engineer's pocket.

Post-it Notes exist because a scientist failed to create the adhesive he was actually trying to invent.

Human beings have an extraordinary ability to find meaning in accidents.

We turn mistakes into discoveries.

We turn failures into lessons.

We turn suffering into art.

That is not a flaw in the human system. It is a feature.

We celebrate innovation, yet innovation itself is often born from confusion, uncertainty and imperfection.

No child learns to walk by executing a perfect algorithm.

No scientist discovers something new by already knowing the answer.

No artist creates something original by following a formula.

Human progress is messy.

In fact, most things worth having are messy.

Love is messy.

Friendship is messy.

Parenthood is messy.

Grief is messy.

The most important moments in our lives rarely happen because we followed the most efficient route.

They happen because we got lost. Because we changed our minds. Because we took a risk. Because something unexpected happened.

And yet we seem increasingly determined to measure human value through the lens of optimisation.

Faster.

Cheaper.

More productive.

More efficient.

Artificial intelligence excels at these things.

Human beings do not.

And thank goodness for that.

Because if efficiency were the highest virtue, there would be no point in reading novels, visiting art galleries, travelling the world or falling in love.

The shortest route is rarely the most meaningful one.

I have no issue with AI as a tool.

Tools are not the problem.

The problem is our growing tendency to place AI and humanity on the same scale and ask which performs better.

They are not competitors.

A paintbrush is not competing with a painter.

A piano is not competing with a musician.

A camera is not competing with a photographer.

But certain people keep insisting and pushing for AI to compete with humanity, solely for their own profit.

We cannot entertain this anymore. We have to be blunt - one is a tool.

The other is the source of every idea, every emotion, every dream and every act of imagination that led to the creation of the tool in the first place.

This is why we should push back against the growing narrative that human labour is simply an inefficient problem waiting to be solved.

Increasingly, we are told that AI can write the articles, create the artwork, compose the music, answer the questions and eventually replace much of the work that people do today. The implication is often that if a machine can produce something "good enough", then the human contribution becomes unnecessary.

I reject that idea completely.

The value of human work has never rested solely in the output.

The value is in the thinking, the learning, the experimenting, the failing, the collaborating and the creating.

Human creativity is not a manufacturing process. It is an expression of consciousness.

Perhaps the greatest danger is not that artificial intelligence becomes more capable.

It is that we begin to see ourselves as less valuable in comparison.

We should resist that idea.

Not because we fear technology, but because we understand something that the champions of efficiency often forget:

Human beings are not machines.

We are not optimisation problems.

And the imperfections that make us slower, messier and less predictable than AI are the very same qualities that have driven every meaningful breakthrough in human history.

Let’s change the conversation and let’s remind ourselves the value of humanity.



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The Illusion of Intimacy in the Digital Age

I enjoyed Justin Bieber’s Coachella performance, but I can’t quite shake this feeling...

There’s something about it all that really lands. The close-ups, the softness, the way he looks straight into the camera as if there isn’t a crowd — as if it’s just you. It feels intimate in a way that’s hard to ignore. Not performative in the obvious sense, but quiet, almost personal. Like you’ve been let into something. 

You can feel the influence of artists around him too — people like Dijon, and Mk.Gee (who I LOVE), especially on “Daisies”. There’s that rawness, that slightly unpolished emotional tone that makes everything feel closer, more human. Add to that the nostalgia running through the performance — him singing with his younger self — and it creates this deep space that’s easy to fall into. That we all kind of crave for. 

And I think that’s the point. Or at least part of it. 
Because what it gives you, very effectively, is intimacy. 
But then there’s this other layer to it that’s hard to ignore. 

That same intimacy — the eye contact, the softness, the sense that someone is speaking directly to you — it’s also the exact same language we see everywhere else now in this digital age. On social media. On dating apps. In those late-night conversations with people who feel close very quickly, and then just as quickly disappear. Experiences that are not real, almost echoing love bombing but on a massive scale.

It’s not necessarily intentional. It’s just how things are now. 

We’ve learned to recognise intimacy through a screen. Through a lens. Through someone looking “at” us in a way that feels like they’re looking “into” us. And artists have picked up on that — or maybe just naturally evolved into it — creating performances that don’t just entertain but simulate connection. 

And it works. 

It feels real while you’re in it. The emotion is real. The reaction is real. But the connection itself isn’t. It can’t be. It’s one-sided. It exists only for the duration of the moment. 

And that’s where it starts to feel familiar in a different way. Because it mirrors how we live now within the digital spaces. This constant exposure to curated intimacy — conversations that feel meaningful but aren’t grounded in anything, interactions that feel personal but aren’t actually shared in person. The sense of closeness without the reality of it. The performance of connection, rather than the thing itself. So, watching that performance, I found myself holding two thoughts at once. 

On one hand: This is beautiful. This is what art does. It creates a feeling, a moment, a shared experience between strangers who all recognise something in it. Art can create intimacy between strangers. 

On the other hand: This is also exactly how connection and intimacy functions in the digital age. Carefully framed. Emotionally precise. Designed to feel personal. But ultimately, not something you can hold onto because it is not real. 

Close, but not quite. 
Personal, but not really. 
An intimacy we keep returning to — not because it’s real, but because it feels like it could be.

p.s.and yeah, that camerawoman deserves a raise! :)
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Migration Is Not a Crisis. It Is How Humanity Survives

Migration is often discussed as if it were an anomaly — a disruption to an otherwise stable world. In political debate, it is framed as a modern emergency: something to be controlled, deterred, or stopped. But this framing collapses under even the lightest historical scrutiny.

Human beings are a migrating species. We always have been.

Modern humans originated in Africa and, over tens of thousands of years, spread across the planet in search of food, water, safety and habitable land. Every society that exists today is the result of people moving when staying put was no longer possible. Migration was not a failure of order or belonging; it was a condition of survival.

That instinct has not changed. What has changed is the world it now collides with.

For most of human history, movement was not criminalised. People followed seasons, rivers, trade routes and opportunity. Ancient cities such as Rome, Baghdad, Istanbul and Alexandria were built by newcomers. They became powerful not despite migration, but because of it — because they absorbed labour, ideas, languages and belief systems from elsewhere.

It is only with the rise of the modern nation state that movement became tightly regulated and morally charged. Borders hardened. Passports replaced paths. Migration was recast as “immigration”, and belonging became something that could be granted or withheld.

Yet people continued to move.

The modern world was shaped by some of the largest migrations in human history: European expansion into the Americas, the forced displacement of millions of enslaved Africans, the redrawing of borders after world wars, the collapse of empires. These movements were often violent and unequal, but they were not aberrations. They were structural to how the world we now inhabit came into being.

Today, migration is frequently framed as a moral and political failure rather than a human response to pressure.

In the UK, debate has centred on small boats crossing the Channel — a phrase that has come to stand in for fear, loss of control and political frustration. People arriving this way are routinely described as “illegal”, despite the fact that seeking asylum is a legal right under international law.

Successive governments have focused on deterrence: restricting safe routes, narrowing definitions of vulnerability, and attempting to offshore responsibility. The now-abandoned Rwanda scheme was not just a policy proposal but a statement — that removal mattered more than refuge.

What is often missing from these debates is context. People do not risk their lives at sea because the journey is easy or because alternatives are unclear. They do so because legal routes are scarce, danger at home is immediate, and the future they are leaving behind has collapsed.

Migration is not judged equally.

A British citizen relocating for work is an “expat”. A family fleeing conflict or economic collapse is a “burden”. Some arrivals are welcomed as contributors; others are framed as threats. The difference is rarely about movement itself, and more often about race, wealth and geopolitical convenience.

This selective framing allows societies to forget a basic truth: most people alive today are descended from migrants who were once unwelcome somewhere else.

Climate change is already reshaping migration. Rising sea levels threaten coastal and island communities. Prolonged droughts undermine agriculture and food security. Extreme heat makes entire regions harder to live in year after year. This is not a future problem. It is a present one.

Climate-driven migration will not be a single event or wave. It will be uneven, ongoing and global — and it will test political systems that still treat migration as an exception rather than a constant feature of human life.

At the heart of the migration debate lies a fundamental misunderstanding.

People move because staying becomes impossible. They move not out of recklessness, but out of responsibility — to their children, their families, their own survival. Migration is not an invasion. It is an adaptation.

To understand migration is to understand ourselves. It is not a breakdown of order, nor a threat to civilisation, but one of the oldest human responses to change. People move when the land can no longer sustain them, when conflict or climate closes in, when the future demands adaptation. 

Migration is about humanity trying to survive.


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Is Adulthood Just Boring?

Nobody tells you how boring being a grown-up can be….

Not dramatic boring….Just Boring….Taxes. Insurance. Mortgage. Bills. Passwords. Renewals…Emails that all somehow are super urgent!!!

And you can’t fully REBEL!

Drink too much? You’ll feel it.  
Eat too much? NO!  
Stay up too late? Forget it.  
Sleep, water, stretching, flossing, supplements….Don’t you skip them!

But finally, you are in CHARGE…

*This needs sorting,* and then do it. No permission slips. No waiting for someone else. You are the adult.

I was thinking about this watching a video about cities’ infrastructure. Some cities get snow every year and still act shocked. Transport collapses. Everything stops. Panic. Chaos.

And then there’s Helsinki.

Helsinki gets snow and plans for it in advance and in a sustainable way…Systems designed by people who know winter will arrive and planned accordingly. Snow falls. Snow is cleared. Life continues. No panic. No fuss. 

And that’s hot.

Being the Adult that gets shit done is sexy.

Book tickets early. Grab the right train. Coordinate the group chat. 

Bring healthy snacks. 

Pack wipes, clothes, batteries, small miracles. 
Fix a broken process before anyone realises it was broken.  
Notice a leak, a blocked path, a missing bin, just sort it.  
Organise the birthday, the trip, the delivery, the pick-up, the check-in, the follow-up – you’re in control, baby!

Improving Life – it’s hot, it’s adulthood done right and far from boring...

Is Trump Damaging America and Simultaneously Revealing a Broken System?

From Europe, Donald Trump looks less like an aberration and more like an exposure: of fragile democratic guardrails, selective morality in international law, and systems that relied on restraint long after accountability was needed.

From Europe, it has often been tempting to treat Donald Trump as a uniquely American problem. A political oddity. An unfortunate detour. Something loud, embarrassing and, with luck, temporary.

I don’t think that interpretation holds.

To my mind, Trump was never the point. He was the exposure.

I think he is deeply unsuited to leadership. I think he is careless with power, uninterested in responsibility, and driven more by impulse than consequence. The damage done during his presidencies is real, and it should not be minimised. But focusing only on Trump as an individual lets something far more troubling off the hook.

A system that can be bent this easily was already bent.

When “Strong Institutions” Turned Out to Be Fragile

For years, the United States was held up—especially to its allies—as a model of institutional resilience. The message was always reassuring: the guardrails will hold. The courts will intervene. Norms will protect the system from its worst impulses.

What the Trump years revealed is how much of that confidence rested on assumption rather than enforcement.

Much of democratic governance, it turns out, depends on good faith. On people choosing not to push too hard. On shared agreement about what shouldn’t be done, even if it technically can be.

Trump didn’t respect those unwritten rules. And when he ignored them, the response was often slower, weaker and more hesitant than many expected. Not because safeguards didn’t exist, but because they were never designed to be tested this aggressively.

That should concern anyone who still believes democracy is self-correcting.

Dropping the Pretence Abroad

From a European perspective, Trump’s foreign policy was often described as a rupture. An abandonment of international norms. A rejection of multilateralism and international law.

But here, too, the substance mattered less than the style.

Long before Trump, international law was applied selectively. Military interventions were justified after the fact. Civilian harm was regretted rhetorically and absorbed politically. Strategic interests quietly outweighed legal or moral consistency.

Trump didn’t invent this behaviour. He simply stopped pretending otherwise.

By speaking openly in transactional terms—about alliances, defence, influence—he stripped away the language that had long softened these realities. What remained was uncomfortable, but not unfamiliar. Especially to those outside the US who had experienced American power less as principle and more as pressure.

When Right and Wrong Became Optional

This is where, I think, the real damage began — long before Trump ever entered political life.

At some point, we collectively accepted that principles could be applied selectively. That international law could be invoked when convenient and ignored when inconvenient. That occupation, domination, or the denial of self-determination could be tolerated in one context and condemned in another.

You cannot argue, with credibility, that some people may live indefinitely without sovereignty while others must never be ruled against their will. You cannot claim to defend universal values while treating them as conditional. Once right and wrong become negotiable, they cease to function as principles at all.

From Europe, this inconsistency has been visible for decades. And once it takes hold, it corrodes everything: trust between nations, faith in institutions, belief that justice is anything more than a slogan.

Selective morality does not stay contained. It teaches leaders that power outranks principle, and citizens that rules bend for the strong and harden for the weak. The result is not order, but erosion.

What we are witnessing now does not feel sudden. It feels like the delayed consequence of choices long made.

Capitalism Without the Apology

Trump also removed the politeness from capitalism’s relationship with power. Economic interest was no longer carefully balanced against public responsibility in official language. It was prioritised openly.

Deregulation, environmental policy, corporate advantage—these were framed as obvious goods, not moral trade-offs.

Again, this was not new. But it was no longer disguised as necessity or inevitability. For many watching from Europe, it echoed patterns already visible closer to home: money shaping policy, influence masquerading as expertise, democracy bending toward capital while insisting nothing fundamental had changed.

The Temptation to Return to “Normal”

As the political temperature cools, there is a strong desire—on both sides of the Atlantic—to return to normal. To restore the language of decency. To believe that the danger has passed because the tone has improved.

I understand that impulse. But I don’t trust it.

Normal is what allowed these weaknesses to deepen quietly over decades. Normal relied on restraint rather than accountability, on image rather than structure.

A system that only works when everyone behaves well is not a strong system. It is a courteous one.

An Exposure We Should Not Waste

I don’t believe Trump intended to reveal anything. But he did.

He exposed how thin democratic guardrails can be. How conditional international law often is. How deeply money shapes political outcomes. And how quickly institutions prioritise stability over principle when truly challenged.

Trump did not create these realities. He made them harder to deny.

The danger now is not simply his possible return, but the broader lesson being ignored. If the response is merely to replace one figure and restore better manners, then nothing essential has been learned.

From Europe, the Trump years should not be dismissed as an American anomaly. They should be read as a warning: when a system abandons consistency, it should not be surprised when everything built upon it begins to come apart.


Palestine Will Not Be Free

When I was growing up, my father told me that democracy is like a cage.

“We are birds in this cage,” he said. “We can spread our wings, and that’s good. Our wings barely touch the cage, so we feel free.”

For most of my life, I thought I understood what he meant but today, as wars, walls, and mass surveillance redefine our world, I understand it differently. The cage is not the same for everyone. And the fact that some of us can still move freely within it doesn’t make it any less of a cage.

Nowhere makes this clearer than Palestine.

A Century in the Making

To understand why Palestine will not be free — at least not under the system we live in — we must look backward.

In 1917, the Balfour Declaration set in motion one of the most consequential political projects of the 20th century. Britain, then the imperial power controlling Palestine under the League of Nations Mandate (1922–1948), promised to establish a “national home for the Jewish people” — in a land already inhabited by a Palestinian Arab majority.

By 1947, the newly formed United Nations voted on Resolution 181, partitioning the land into two states: one Jewish, one Arab. Palestinians, who made up around two-thirds of the population and owned over 90% of the land, rejected the plan. The following year, 1948, the state of Israel was declared, and more than 700,000 Palestinians were expelled or fled — an event known as the Nakba, or “catastrophe.”

Since then, the story has been one of relentless expansion. The 1967 Six-Day War saw Israel occupy the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the Golan Heights — territories that remain under varying degrees of control to this day. Despite UN Security Council Resolution 242, which called for Israel’s withdrawal from occupied territories, settlements grew. In 1993, the Oslo Accords offered hope of a “two-state solution,” but that hope was systematically eroded by continued settlement building, fragmentation of Palestinian land, and the normalization of occupation as status quo.

Over a century, what began as a promise of coexistence evolved into one of the most sustained systems of control in modern history.

The Global Cage

When I say “Palestine will not be free,” I am not singling it out as unique. I am naming it as a mirror. The structures that maintain occupation there — surveillance, militarization, propaganda, economic dependency — are the same forces shaping our so-called democracies. We are all Palestine.

Western nations speak of freedom and democracy, yet they finance, arm, and defend oppression abroad. They trade in surveillance technologies tested in occupied territories. They criminalize dissent and silence journalists who expose these contradictions.

We are told we live in free societies, but our freedom depends on the suffering of others — and on our collective blindness to it.

We are in cages of our own: comfortable, digital, invisible. We mistake mobility for liberty, consumption for choice, distraction for peace. Some cages are wide enough that we don’t see the bars. Others, like Palestine’s, are visible, suffocating, and brutal. But the structure — the logic — is the same.

The Mask Is Slipping

The rise of fascism is not sudden; it is the natural evolution of systems that were never truly democratic. The surveillance state, corporate consolidation, and militarized control are all symptoms of a deeper truth: that “freedom” has always been conditional, controlled, and rationed.

And as crises multiply — wars, inequality, climate collapse — the mask slips further. The mechanisms of control become less ashamed of showing themselves. We are seeing power in its purest form: unmasked, unrepentant, unbothered by appearances.

Palestine shows us not only the cruelty of occupation, but the honesty of empire.

What Now?

What are we to do with this knowledge?

Though Palestine Will Not Be Free (like others before it), we can't stop trying.

To see the bars of the cage is not liberation in itself — it is a burden. Once you’ve seen it, you can never again unsee it. Every headline, every government statement, every “peace process” becomes part of a pattern. You begin to realize how power maintains itself — not through chaos, but through order; not through violence alone, but through the quiet consent of the comfortable.

It’s easy to feel powerless before such a vast machine. And perhaps, in the scale of things, we are. But to acknowledge that truth is not surrender. Awareness, if lived consciously, becomes a form of resistance.

Because the first act of freedom is to see clearly. The second is to refuse to look away. And the third is to live accordingly.

That means refusing to let dehumanization become normal — anywhere. It means speaking when silence serves power, and questioning narratives that justify cruelty in the name of safety. It means protecting truth, art, and memory — the things that authoritarian systems fear most. It means creating community in an age designed to isolate us.

We chip away not only by protesting or demanding change from distant institutions — though that matters too — but by living differently in the small spaces of our own lives. By raising children who can tell truth from propaganda. By consuming consciously and questioning the myths that convenience sells us. By recognizing that every act of empathy is political, every refusal to dehumanize is a blow against the machinery that profits from division.

The cage may be vast, but it cannot contain awareness. It cannot contain imagination.

Real freedom may not come in our lifetime. Perhaps the point is not to believe that it will, but to live as though it could. That tension — between despair and defiance — is where humanity still breathes.

We cannot dismantle the system in one act. But we can refuse to pretend it isn’t there. We can teach our children what the cage looks like, and what flight feels like — even if only in brief moments of truth and courage.

The Final Question

My father told me democracy is a cage and it was never meant to set us free.

The question is not whether Palestine will be free. The question is whether we will ever dare to be.

And perhaps, the only answer is to keep daring — courageously, insistently, by changing our tactics — until one day we find a way to live together without a cage.

Notes & References

  1. 1. The Balfour Declaration (1917): British government statement expressing support for “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.”
  2. 2. League of Nations Mandate for Palestine (1922–1948): Granted Britain administrative control over Palestine following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
  3. 3. UN General Assembly Resolution 181 (1947): Recommended the partition of Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states, leading to the 1948 Arab–Israeli War.
  4. 4. The Nakba (1948): The mass displacement of approximately 700,000 Palestinians following the creation of the State of Israel.
  5. 5. UN Security Council Resolution 242 (1967): Called for the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the Six-Day War.
  6. 6. The Oslo Accords (1993 & 1995): Agreements between Israel and the PLO aiming to achieve a two-state solution — never fully implemented.

The Right to Protest: Then and Now

When I was sixteen, almost seventeen, I staged my first act of protest. A new law had been brought into our school, and it felt unjust. So in the middle of the night, one of my classmates and I sneaked out with a stack of posters. We put them up on the side of the library in Plovdiv, hoping people would see them the next day.

It wasn’t violent. It wasn’t dangerous. It was simply words—our words—made visible. Instead of posting them on a wall online, we posted them on a wall in the city. That was protest. That was freedom. And this was in Bulgaria, a country only beginning to find its footing after communism.


We still had to sneak out to do it. It wasn’t without risk. But the point is: we did it, we spoke out, and we were not arrested or silenced. We could protest on the streets, too—and we did.


Looking back now, I feel fortunate. At sixteen, I had the right to protest. I had the right to say: I disagree.


And yet today, living in what is supposed to be the “free world,” I feel something is deeply broken. People are being arrested for protesting genocide. Entire groups of peaceful demonstrators are absurdly branded as “terrorists.” Actions that are symbolic, creative, and peaceful—putting up posters, painting a military aircraft, staging sit-ins—are treated as if they are violent crimes.


And it goes beyond the streets. Think of the flotilla that tried to bring aid across international waters—nappies, milk, food for children, nothing more. That too was a form of protest, a peaceful act of resistance, and yet it was met with force. How can bringing supplies to children be treated as a threat?


The same suppression is creeping into the digital space. If putting up posters at sixteen was my version of protest, then today’s young people use social media in the same way: sharing words, sharing truths, making injustices visible. But even that is under threat. Platforms like TikTok are being bought, regulated, and manipulated, their algorithms shaped to silence or bury certain voices. Protest itself is being policed—not only on the streets and at sea, but online, in the very spaces where people gather to speak out.


And this is what shocks me most: I am supposed to be living in the “free world,” in one of the most democratic societies on Earth. This is where liberty and human rights are meant to be protected above all else. And yet here, in the so-called beacon of democracy, people are silenced for speaking, arrested for marching, demonised for resisting. I can’t believe it. We are going backwards, not forwards.


What is going on?


We cannot call ourselves free if speaking up, peacefully and openly, is criminalised. We cannot call ourselves democratic if we regulate dissent out of existence. Protest is not terrorism. Protest is not violence. Protest is the heartbeat of freedom.


At sixteen, in Bulgaria, I could protest with nothing but a stack of posters and the nerve to sneak out at night. Now, in democracies that claim to be “free,” those same words—whether pasted on stone, carried across the sea, or typed on a screen—can get you silenced, arrested, or erased.


Please—wake up.


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Once you know, you know...

You know those ideas that pop up in the late, late hours of the night? 
When the whole world is sleeping and a single thought wakes you up, almost like a message from another planet...

I pencil it down quickly before going back to sleep and I love reading the notes from time to time. 
It always fascinates me how the meaning changes with time. 

Here is one from April. 

'Growing up — truly growing up — is realising that the tears you see in a romantic movie aren’t just about happiness or triumph. When we’re young, we watch these moments with wide, idealistic eyes, believing the characters are simply overwhelmed with joy: they found each other, they made it. We smile, thinking love is pure, simple, inevitable. 

But somewhere along the way, something shifts. Maturity teaches us that the tears aren’t only for the sweetness of arrival — they are for the invisible road that led them there. The tears carry the weight of every goodbye, every mistake, every silent heartbreak that once made them doubt this moment could even exist. 

Sometimes, they are mourning what was lost even as they celebrate what was found. And when you feel that, when you see both the beauty and the bruises stitched into one tender moment, you know you’ve grown older — not in years, but in understanding.'


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We Are All Complicit

When police officers arrest peaceful protesters, the defence is often: *I was just following orders.* And the counterpoint is equally familiar: there is no excuse for obedience to injustice. That much is true. But there is a harder truth we often avoid because it implicates not just those in uniform, but all of us. The truth is: we are all complicit.

Complicity isn’t confined to batons and handcuffs. It is woven into the everyday systems that sustain our lives. We pay taxes that fund military budgets. We scroll through apps built by companies investing in surveillance and arms. We consume products that travel through supply chains threaded with exploitation. None of us stand outside this web.

Take the NHS, a cherished institution that is supposed to be our sanctuary. And yet its data platform is being built by Palantir, a company whose technology is tied to surveillance and military targeting in Israel and beyond. Do I stop using the NHS? I can’t. My family’s health depends on it. But my reliance still binds me to a company profiting from war.

Or consider Spotify. For most of us it is simply music in the background of our days. But its billionaire co-founder Daniel Ek has invested millions into military technology firms supplying Israel’s assault on Gaza. Even our playlists, it seems, carry the weight of complicity.

And these are only fragments of a larger pattern. Google and Amazon provide AI and cloud infrastructure to the Israeli government under Project Nimbus.[1] Microsoft’s Azure and GPT-4 tools have been integrated into military operations.[2] Caterpillar supplies the bulldozers that demolish Palestinian homes—so notorious that Norway’s $2 trillion sovereign wealth fund recently divested from the company.[3] Defence giants like Lockheed Martin, Leonardo and Elbit Systems profit directly from weapons sales, while global shippers like Maersk keep the cargo flowing.[4] Even the phones in our pockets are assembled from minerals extracted under brutal conditions in global supply chains.

This is not accidental. The system is designed to make purity impossible. It wants us dependent and compromised, so that complicity feels inevitable and resistance feels futile. When every service, every product, every institution is touched by violence, the temptation is to shrug and say: *what difference can my choices make?*

But recognising complicity is not about surrender. It is about clarity. It means refusing the comfort of pointing fingers while pretending our own hands are clean. The question is not *“Am I complicit?”* but *“What am I doing despite my complicity?”*

There are cracks in the system. Some institutions are beginning to take a stand. Scotland has banned public funding for arms companies supplying Israel’s military.[5] Norway has divested from Caterpillar. And workers inside tech firms are organising: Google and Amazon employees have launched the *No Tech for Apartheid* campaign, while Microsoft staff have staged walkouts under the banner *No Azure for Apartheid*.[6] These acts are small, but they remind us that even in a tangled web, it is possible to pull at the knots.

We are all complicit. That is not an excuse to turn away or to accept things as they are. It is the very reason we must act—because if our daily lives are tied to injustice, then our daily acts of resistance matter all the more. Keep questioning the status quo...

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References

[1] “How US Big Tech supports Israel’s AI-powered genocide and apartheid,” Al Jazeera, May 2024.

[2] “Israeli military used Microsoft AI in Gaza war,” The Guardian, Jan 2025.

[3] “Norway’s wealth fund divests from Caterpillar over ethical concerns,” Reuters, Sept 2025.

[4] “Global firms profiting from genocide in Gaza, says UN rapporteur,” The Guardian, July 2025.

[5] “Scotland bans arms companies that supply IDF from receiving financial aid,” The Guardian, Sept 2025.

[6] “No Tech for Apartheid campaign at Google and Amazon,” Wikipedia (accessed Sept 2025)

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To My Dearest Friend

If I could gather every shard of injustice
and burn it down for you…
I would.
I would stand in the ashes
and challenge the heavens…


You who carry strength
like a light within your palm,
who can crack the darkest day
with one gentle look,
who makes the world feel possible
just by being in it…
You deserve better.


There are no right words
for how wrong this is.
I see you.
Not broken, never broken…
but shining with a passion
that no suffering can extinguish.


You are not alone.
Even when darkness dwells inside you,
I am there, the steady hand beside yours,
the voice that stays
when everything else fades.


And when you forget
how golden you are,
I will remind you…loudly.
Fiercely.
Forever.



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PALANTIR - Remember the name

There are names that stir unease before they reveal their intentions. Palantir is one of them—named after Tolkien’s “seeing stones,” instruments of vision, power, and control. Today, the company is embedded in the NHS. A private firm forged in military surveillance and intelligence now holds the keys to millions of patient records.We’re told this is progress. But progress for whom? 

In late 2023, NHS England awarded Palantir a £330 million, seven-year contract to build the Federated Data Platform (FDP), a system meant to centralise NHS data across England. The language—efficiency, modernisation, transformation—is familiar. But beneath it lies the quiet outsourcing of public power to private surveillance. 

Palantir’s history is not one of care. It was born from the CIA’s venture capital arm and honed by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to track undocumented migrants. More recently, it has been linked to Israeli military operations in Gaza. These are not abstract associations. They reveal a corporate philosophy rooted in control, not compassion. 

This is not the first time data systems have been weaponised. In the 1930s, IBM supplied punch-card technology to the Nazi regime—tools that helped the government identify and track Jewish communities. IBM didn’t run the camps. It built the system that made them possible. Palantir is not IBM. But the logic is the same: power cloaked in neutrality, tools sold as apolitical, consequences outsourced. 

Public trust is already breaking. Nearly half of people in England say they would opt out of sharing NHS data if a company like Palantir is involved. But for most patients, no real opt- out exists. The data is “pseudonymised”—a meaningless term when the company handling it also holds the tools to re-identify. 

Doctors’ organisations have pushed back. The British Medical Association, the Doctors’ Association UK, Medact, and Foxglove have all opposed the deal, citing threats to patient confidentiality and the NHS’s founding principles. A legal challenge is underway over the heavily redacted contract—417 of 586 pages were blacked out—and the lack of a proper tender process. 

Meanwhile, NHS staff on the ground report little improvement. Some trusts find Palantir’s software incompatible with their systems. Others say it increases their workload. At the same time, the company’s liability for data misuse is capped at just £150,000—a laughable figure for a billion-dollar firm. 

So why is Palantir here? 

The answer is depressingly familiar. They were already in the room. During the pandemic, Palantir was granted emergency access to NHS data systems. That foothold gave them an enormous advantage when bidding for the long-term platform. No meaningful alternatives were explored. No public debate was held. 

But there are better options. Platforms like OpenSAFELY, built during the pandemic by NHS doctors and researchers, allow for privacy-preserving, open-source analysis of sensitive data—without the need to centralise or commercialise it. Other European public-health systems use tools like Better (based on openEHR) or UK-developed platforms like Graphnet and Black Pear, which operate without ties to military surveillance. 

The question isn’t whether we need digital transformation in the NHS—we do. The question is who should lead it, and what values they should uphold. 

Palantir does not share the values of the NHS. It is a surveillance firm, not a care provider. And its growing role in our health system—quiet, complex, and largely invisible to the public—risks normalising a future in which healthcare is governed not by ethics or equity, but by algorithms and efficiency. 

If we care about the NHS as a system of care, not control, we must pay attention and do something. 
What we can do: 
- Demand transparency: Full release of the Palantir contract and a public inquiry into the procurement process. 
- Push for a real opt-out: Patients should have the right to refuse sharing their data beyond direct care. 
- Support public alternatives: Invest in NHS-led, open-source platforms with democratic oversight. 
- Lift liability caps: Private companies handling patient data must be fully accountable. 
- Connect: Join campaigns like No Palantir in Our NHS, write to your MP, and amplify voices of doctors, patients, and campaigners. 

The NHS was founded on the belief that healthcare is a right—not a commodity. The more we hand over its infrastructure to corporations built for surveillance and war, the more we forget that promise. 

Palantir does not belong in the NHS.